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The reasons for these inaccuracies are too complex to be addressed in this report; suffice it to say that:
- for political reasons, the 1981 census was dramatically skewed to attribute Albanian ethnicity to the largest number of Roma possible (up to as many as 50,000)15;
- the 1991 census relied in part on the 1981 census for its statistics on Roma;
- in the years 1981-1991, many Roma had come to self-identify as Albanian or Ashkalije, while others were counted as a "new," "separate" minority group: "Egyptians"16; and
- the 1991 census was boycotted by the Albanian population and thus also almost entirely by the Ashkalije and Egyptian "Roma" who aligned themselves with the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.17
This diminishing and subdividing of the Romani population in the census has distorted both the percentages and geographic distribution of the Roma of Kosovo for over two decades. In addition, the data is affected by the worldwide, well-known phenomenon in census gathering wherein oppressed and marginalized minority groups under-report themselves and are under-reported by official agencies.
As Dena Ringold writes:
Data on human development status in the transition countries of Central and Eastern Europe are plagued with problems and pitfalls. However, these issues appear almost insignificant in comparison with the challenge of measuring developments among the Roma. Seemingly straightforward questions, such as estimating the size of the population within a country, prove extremely challenging. Household surveys and censuses often do not distinguish respondents by ethnicity, and even when ethnicity is included, a range of issues arise, including undersampling of areas where Roma are likely to reside, difficulties in locating and identifying populations that may not be officially registered, and problems with self-reporting. Roma may opt not to self-identify for various reason . . . .18
Another obstacle to Polansky's data gathering was that travel to certain areas was too dangerous to undertake. Personally investigating each of the almost 300 Romani communities identified was, in some instances, impossible due to: treacherous conditions and sometimes even a total absence of roads; dangers posed by Albanian extremists on certain throughways, including vehicles being forced off road where land mines are abundant; hostile activity by Albanians and/or Serbs living in the same communities as the Roma. Unlike most representatives of foreign or international NGOs working in the region, Polansky was never offered UN or KFOR protection to travel or assistance of any kind.
As this report and other human rights reports attest, attacks on Roma have occurred and continue to occur in spite of the presence of KFOR and UN peacekeeping forces. Therefore, Polansky and his Romani translators took very seriously the threat of kidnappings, beatings, and murders still faced by Roma and those who help them in some areas of Kosovo. In the OSCE/UNHCR report on ethnic minorities in Kosovo, it is stated that: "Obtaining accurate population statistics continues to be a challenge given the volatile environment and difficulties of access to some communities."19
The methodological problems aside, Polansky has nevertheless accomplished a thorough and important survey. An examination of Polansky's data and selected field reports and Voice of Roma’s comprehensive analysis dramatically convey to the reader the realities of the recent and ongoing ethnic cleansing of Roma in Kosovo today. Voice of Roma presents this report as a highly illustrative indicator of general trends, worthy of immediate and broad based attention.
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15 According to some political analysts, this was due to attempts by some of the ethnic Albanians in control of Kosovo at the time to create a "Greater Albania" which would expand to include parts of Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia.
16 See further explanation of these subgroups in the identification section below.
17 Ibid
18 Ringold, op cit.
19 OSCE/UNHCR May 2000 Report.
