Research on virtual communities: an empirical approach D. Beckers University of Amsterdam, Department of Social Science Informatics Roetersstraat 15 1018 WB Amsterdam, the Netherlands email beckers@swi.psy.uva.nl Recent innovations in computers and telecommunication technologies are changing social interaction between people. However, we have only vague notions of the precise effects. This leaves space for both utopian as dystopian views, both seldom founded in empirical data. Meanwhile, politicians have to make decisions on regulation, investments and research that could have big implications for the future of the use of these technologies. But research at community networks also serve a more direct practical goal: how can a virtual community try to support their town if they do not know who is using this system? In this paper, we try to formulate some guidelines for empirical research on virtual communities based on experience gained at research on two digital cities in Europe. 1. Thinking about the effects of the use of telecommunication and computer technologies Information and communication technology has invaded all domains of our society: at work, at home and in public places. The modern culture is profoundly mediatized (Thompson, 1990). Current innovations in computers and telecommunication made new kinds of social interaction and cultural transmission possible across previously impossible distances. There is little doubt that these rapid advances in modern telecommunication and computers are changing the way we live our lives, but the direction of change is still uncertain. Murdock (1993) discusses some of the social and cultural relations that are emerging based on older technologies. Telephones for example helped to support the maintenance of links irrespective of distance and television 'rituals' such as major sporting occasions support new social events and gatherings. But the merge of telecommunication and computers, the computer mediated communication (CMC) might have an even bigger consequences than the telephone and the television, because of its unique characteristics. In the first place the ease to generate and distribute data are unkown to any earlier technique based on this data 'meta-data' can be generated, for example searching-mechanisms. Second, CMC is not limited to only text, but can also transport pictures, audio en video. Third, CMC is the first many-to-many medium. For example the telephone can only be used by two persens at a time (one-to-one) and a newspapthe send information from one source to many (one-to-many). Last, CGC can be used both synchronius (for example for a telephone call the participants have to use the telephone at the same time) as asynchronius (for example a letter, that is written beforehand and is read later). Because of these unique abilities, computer networks support new sorts of social places in the virtual reality, where people can meet, work and play without ever seeing each other in the physical world. For many of them to work and socialize in cyberspace becomes more and more reality. This makes cyberspace an interesting subject of research, since: "when people define a situation as real, than it is real in it's consequences" (W.I. Thomas). Much has been written about the social consequences of the use of these new technologies. However, although the interest on virtual communities is large, the overall quality and depth of the research can be questioned. One reason for this is time. It takes time to build research projects, to ask the right kind of questions and to adapt research methods to this new field of study (Wellman, 1997; Parks, 1996). In the mean time, the small amount of empirical research leaves space for both utopian as dystopian views. First, let us examine both views. The keywords for the utopists are liberation, freedom and flexibility. This view stresses the recognition of the variety, the pluralism and diversity in the virtual communities, where age, gender and race do not matter. They also stress the empowering and liberating importance of the use of the Internet. "Drawing on simple technological determinism and utopianism, these approaches tend to evangelize and hype up the transformative powers of telematics; there are seen to be virtually inevitable and woven into some technological logic. (...) Through the humble personal computer and modem, it is argued, individuals can now shape, participate in and interact with a vast range of new multimedia spaces rather than merely being passive consumers of a narrow range of TV, newspapers and radio as in the past" (Leary, 1994; Negroponte, 1995) Some authors even go further. Rushkoff (as quoted by Graham and Marvin) predicts that the diffusion of interactive technologies, such as email, WWW and virtual reality, will be used to "enhance the individual ... and to break down the walls between individuals." Opposite to the utopists, the dystopian view stresses the disorienting and alienating effects of the globalization. According to the dystopists, the new media will cause a growing social polarization. They see the commercialization of the new media as a proof of the abuse of this technology. Finally, these critiques also stress that the wealth of information does not necessarily mean that people have more knowledge. Postman argues that today's media are obsessed with providing more information. He calls this the 'elevation of information to a metaphysical status': information as both a means and end of human creativity'. "In Technopolis, we are driven to fill our lives with the quest to 'access' information. For what purpose or with what limitations, it is not for us to ask' (Postman, 1992). So who is right? And to whom will politicians listen when they have to decide about regulations, investments and funding of research, which could have big implications for the future of the use of these technologies. At the moment, we can see different forces, such as large software companies, telecommunication companies, governmental and international organizations and the individual users struggling over issues as standards versus open systems, freedom of speech versus integrity, local versus global, copyrights etceteras. Without comprehensive research tracing the diverse social construction and uses being made of electronic spaces, set against the broader political economy of telematics, the debate seems likely to remain unhelpfully polarized between 'visions of heaven and hell' (Harrison, 1995). 2. Empirical research at digital cities and virtual communities When one is going to do a research on a digital city or a virtual community, the researcher has to choose the level of research and the suitable technique to collect the data. These techniques can be borrowed from various disciplines like sociology, psychology and anthropology. The next table shows the various levels with the disciplines, techniques that can be 'borrowed' and examples of researches. TABLE 1 Level Discipline Technique Examples Global Geography, mapping, Valtersson (1998) communication organizing "Virtual communities" science information spatial data" retrieval City/ sociology, questionnaires Graham and Marvin community groupware, "Telecommunications communication content analysis and the city" science Information retrieval Individuals Psychology interviews, Rheingold "The virtual Ethnography participating Community" ((on everyday Observation life in the Well) Turkle "Live at the screen" Every technique has its strengths and its weaknesses. For example, a questionnaire can give the researcher a lot of information about many people, but it is difficult to formulate relevant questions if the researcher is new in the field. Interviews yield much information about a few users, but takes a lot of time for even a few respondents. To get a good view on a community, different techniques should be combined, so they can compensate each other weaknesses. In the next paragraph, a research guide is presented, based on our experience doing research at two digital cities in Europe.The first digital city is 'the Digital City of Amsterdam' (DDS). As the biggest digital city in the Netherlands, they claims to have over 80.000 members. Since 1994 every two years a questionnaire is put on, so we now have quite a good idea of the characteristics of the population and the way they use this system. The second one is Parthenay, a very small village in the south of France with a few thousand inhabitants. Mainly because of a very enthusiastic major, this town has a very comprehensive website with about 200 active members. 3. Research at the Digital cities of Amsterdam and Parthenay The results of the research at DDS show an interesting trend in the characteristics of the population. In 1994, the users were mainly 'early adopters'. They were a very homogeneous group, mainly young males with a high education. Women, elderly, lower educated and unemployed were strongly underrepresented. Two years later, students were the biggest group. They were not very interested in information and politics, but saw the digital city as a way to communicate with each other. They frequently build their own webpages and used email a lot. The last research from 1998 shows that the group of students has shrunk, but the percentage of scholars increased. In 1994, more than half of the users was resident in Amsterdam. Now, four years later, it seams that the digital city is used from all over the Netherlands. The digital city is no longer the digital city of Amsterdam, but became a real 'virtual city', without connection to a geographical place. During the research we encountered a few problems. In the first place was it difficult to calculate how representative the results of the research were. The DDS had only very little information about their users, so it was sometimes difficult to compare the results from the questionnaire with information on the whole population. Also, only after the research stopped, we heard of certain subcultures in DDS that were until then unknown to us. If we would have known of them beforehand, the questionnaire could have contained a question on these subcultures. Melis (forthcoming) did an elaborate content analysis of DDS and Parthenay. For the Digital city of Amsterdam and Parthenay, it turned out that the percentages of the various categories of content where quite the same, although these two organizations differ a lot in size, amount of users and purpose (see table 1). It would be interesting to check this for other virtual communities. TABLE 2: Use categories Categories % DDS % Parthenay Business 13 % 26 % Education 7 % 11 % Health 7 % 3 % Informatics 5 % 3 % Media 13 % 10 % Leisure 31 % 28 % Politics 23 % 20 % Problems with this analysis were that Parthenay also knew very little about their users, and they refused to give most of the information they had because of privacy reasons. In this paragraph, we present a guide for research in digital cities and virtual communities. This is by no means meant as a strict guide, but future researchers could use it for their benefit. - Learn to know the city. Get to know the interface, the features and the limitations of the system. Try to find information about the amount of users and the size of the system. See how often pages are updated, how much traffic there is in discussion lists (high/low, only a few persons or many active users), find out who took the initiative (is it a grassroots approach of hired the local government a commercial company) etcetera. A good relationship with the board of the digital city is very important, and it is the only way to get access to the log-files. - Perform a content analysis. Count how many pages contain information on the community, how many on leisure, communication, culture, etcetera. Table 3 shows an example of a form for this purpose. - With the information gathered in the previous steps, now questions for a questionnaire can be formulated. When this questionnaire is done in an electronic form, the computer can analyze a huge number of responses directly, without the need to recode and enter the responses manually. If possible, it would be best to repeat this over a period, so changes in population and use over time can be identified. To check how representative the responses are, the results of the questionnaire should be compared with information from the log-files of the digital city. - By now the researcher will have quite a good understanding of the virtual community and its users, but some questions may remain. To answer these it is best to interview a few key-persons, for example a member of the board of the organization or an active user. Table 3: Example of a score card for content analysis Square Site Cat InfLo InfOth PracLo PracOth CoMail CoChat etc. Central Journal c 1 1 0 0 1 0 Central Help desk c 0 1 0 0 0 0 Central DDS office b 0 1 0 0 0 0 Central Info English m 0 1 0 1 0 0 Central Registration c 0 1 0 1 0 0 Central Pub l 0 0 0 0 0 1=09 Elections Local p 1 1 1 1 1 0 Elections National p 1 1 0 1 0 0 etcetera Cat -- (see table 2) NoAc -- access (not found, in construction...) LiAc -- access (with password) InfLo -- information (info about Amsterdam) InfOth -- information (info about elsewhere than Amsterdam) InfNo -- information PracLo -- local (practical info about Amsterdam) PracOth -- Other (practical info outside Amsterdam) PracNo -- practical info Co Mail -- tool e-mail CoChat -- tool chatroom CoForm -- tool form Eng -- language Othla -- language 4. Conclusion & discussion Computer mediated communication (CMC) is rearranging our world and will change the way we work and our daily live. In this paper we presented the utopian and dystopian views on the consequences of the use of this technology, but neither are very helpful. To inform design and implementation and to answer questions on future regulation knowledge is needed about the use, the users and the social effects of these new mediasystems. From the results of the research at the Digital City of Amsterdam and Parthenay, it seems that until now neither the utopists nor the dystopists are right. The utopists see a world were age, gender, and personal characteristics do no matter anymore. However, at the digital city of Amsterdam we found a very homogenous population. But it is also not right to say as the dystopists do that only an elite has access to this kind of technologies. Both the DDS as the community of Parthenay are trying to get groups as women, and elders involved by giving courses and organizing special events aimed at these groups. It is surprising how little these organizations know about their users. With this paper, we want to encourage further research on digital cities and virtual communities. Only with more ideas backed up with empirical data we can see what is really happening, without getting lost in 'visions of heaven and hell'. And only when digital communities know who their users are they can build systems that can benefit the community. The future is yet undecided, but we are shaping it now. Let us shape it in the right direction. 5. References - Van den Besselaar and Beckers (1998) Demographics and Sociographics of the Digital City, in: T. Ishida (ed), Community computing and support systems. London: Springer LNCS, 1998. (in press) - Giddens (1991) Modernity and self-identity, Polity Press, Cambridge, UK - Graham and Marvin (1996) Telecommunication and the city Electronic spaces, urban places Routledge, New York, US. - Melis (In preparation) The social impact of new information and communication technology used at a local level: a comperative study of two European digital cities. - Murdock, G (1993) Communication and the constitution of modernity, in: Media, Culture and society #15 - Postman (1992) technopolis: The surrender of Culture to Technology, Vintage, New York, US - Schuler (1996) New Communitie Networks Wired for Change Addison-Wesley, New York, US. - Stolterman, Agren and Croon (1998) Virtual communities Why and how are they studied, URL http://www.informatik.umu.se%7Emsjon/vircom/stagcr1.html